Power Politics in the
Grassroots
When I was 17 years old, I got my first taste of “power
politics.” In December 1966, my cousin David was running for Aleph Godol
(President) of the Southern Region of BBYO (the B’nai Brith Youth Organization).
Now, you may not think that Jewish youth organizations engage in power
politics. You would be wrong. This was a cutthroat election, featuring David
from Savannah in this corner and Goliath (-er
Scott) from Atlanta
in the other. Scott was Goliath because there were more attendees from the Atlanta Council at the
Regional Convention, and thereby more voters. In
modern political parlance, he had a larger base.
The official AZA Aleph Godol pin is at the bottom |
Joel, a friend from Atlanta ,
and I agreed to become David’s campaign managers. No politicos ever took the
role more seriously than we did. We began to formulate our strategy for
overcoming the seeming voting edge that Scott held. We knew that the secrets to
victory would lie in solidifying David’s base among the southeast Georgia and
South Carolina contingents, appealing to the kids from Macon and Columbus to
join our coalition, and getting some Atlanta kids to switch allegiance for the
“greater good” of Southern Region. (We actually talked like that in those days.
We considered ourselves budding James Carvilles or (heaven forbid) Karl Roves.)
We took the roster of all convention attendees and began
working our way down the list, checking off those we knew were in David’s camp
and crossing out all of those we knew we could never win over because they fell
into one of these categories: Scott’s many cousins, his friends, friends of
cousins, friends of cousins’ friends, or just plain Atlanta chauvinists. We
looked at the numbers and felt a slight optimism. The counts of checks and
cross-outs were close enough to give us hope. Plus David was a particularly nice
guy known for his strong sense of responsibility and leadership abilities. So we sketched out a
meticulous plan for winning over the names not yet committed. We were ruthless.
We looked among our check marks for girlfriends or boyfriends of the
non-committed and met with them one-on-one to ask for their help in cajoling
votes from their beloveds. (Is using even implied sex for votes dirty politics?
Not in our minds.) We met personally with other non-committed voters and
probably made some outrageous promises. We got assurances of votes and added to
our check marks. The night before the election, our counts of check marks and
cross-outs were extremely close. This was going to be one tight race.
Joel and I didn’t sleep for two entire days and nights; we
just campaigned and counted. We were walking zombies by election day, sort of
like Diane Sawyer during ABC’s election night coverage last week. We both anticipated and
dreaded the actual voting process. Had we gotten to every potential David
voter? Could our vote count have been flawed in any way? Had we
overreached? We would know in just a
matter of hours. Then we could sleep, either in joy or in frustration.
Now, it is probably pretty obvious why I am telling this
story. As I watched the vote returns come in last Tuesday night and heard David
Axelrod and David Plouffe discuss the Democratic strategy for winning votes in
the nine toss-up states, I was drawn back to my truly grassroots political
experience. Candidates make speeches and shake hands and even kiss babies. They
get to approve those incessant messages. Political strategists stay in the
background, pulling strings and tying ropes, if necessary. It’s a dirty job but
so much fun if it works.
In 1968, I was one of the managers of the Humphrey-Muskie
campaign on the Yale campus and was covering the Democratic Party side of the
election for the Yale Daily NEWS. I even got to ride in the press bus when
Edmund Muskie came to New Haven
on a campaign swing and stood behind him when he made a speech to a
large crowd of union workers who had taken a few minutes away from their jobs
building a new Knights of Columbus tower not far from downtown. It was
thrilling being one of those smiling faces you always see behind a candidate on
television. No one suggested I should be impartial. I guess I would have fit in
pretty well with today’s “reporters” on MSNBC or Fox News.
On election night, I pulled an all-nighter with my friend
Bob Shapiro at our small campaign headquarters, watching the vote totals come
in and hoping beyond hope for a miraculous Humphrey finish. After all, our man
had been climbing steadily in the polls during the final week of the campaign,
until he was almost dead even with Richard Nixon when the actual voting began.
The miracles didn’t happen, of course, and when we finally got to bed, our
sleep was pretty restless. If you remember 1968, you know it was a pretty
tumultuous and scary year. It didn’t end well for those of us who considered
ourselves idealists. Most of all, it didn’t turn out well for Hubert Humphrey,
who deserved better from history than he has received.
But the Humphrey-Nixon campaign came nearly two years after
the David-Scott battle for leadership in Southeastern BBYO .
And, luckily, that campaign had a happier ending. The voting took place, the
counting began, and a winner emerged—my cousin David was elected by a margin of
perhaps two votes, almost exactly the result we were predicting. (We never got
the official count, but that’s what we heard. And it’s the story I’m telling.)
We had helped pull off a small upset. We were political geniuses!
David went on to get a Ph.D. in political science, taught
college for a number of years in New Jersey , Washington , DC , and even London , England .
Then he moved onto political activist roles in New York
and Washington .
I’d like to think I played a part in his early political development. After my
disappointment in the 1968 Presidential campaign, I stayed true to my Democratic Party
allegiance, though I didn't do too much campaigning until 2004, when a college
floor-mate, Howard Dean, made his aborted run for the Presidency. I have stayed
behind the scenes—voting, making small financial contributions, writing some
letters, and shouting at television ads and speeches. And I was smiling last
Tuesday night, particularly because I could actually watch the election returns
on television since our power had just been restored after eight days of
blackout following Hurricane Sandy.
In his victory speech, President Obama explained the value
of politics to his supporters as he thanked them. He also connected politics
idealistically with service. In my experience, politics also connects with long
sleepless nights, lots of cajoling, and often bitter endings. But when your
candidate wins, and when your efforts are a part of that win, it’s pretty
magical. Some rabbits got pulled out of a hat last Tuesday. And my love-hate
relationship with politics got renewed on the love side this time. But I plan to keep
antacids close by because the next campaign is already starting.
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